The overbold homo order may also subdivide the earthly concern into large regional blocks. However, these coalitions result emphasize cooperation. With the end of the algid War, the nuclear arms threat will cease to exist. As nascent democracies emerge, the next century may experience a general peace. In such a world, the military business leader of individual nations could sour less important. Instead, economics might become the main priority. Future competition between nations could thus be "played out in the economic sphere (Nelan 36-38)."
Of course, the U.S. will continue to be a major player in world affairs. After World War II, the U.S. assumed the obligation for containing communism. At present, U.S. military might is still required for world security. For example, as the last remaining military superpower, the U.S. could be called upon to admonish a nuclear-armed dictator.
However, the United States is also likely to approach transnational concerns cautiously ("Focus" 3). Since the end of the Cold War, the nation has been divest of its national mission and self-justification. It must, therefore, reestablish its geo political sympathiesal object glasss. Of course, the main objective of the country's foreign policy is "to maintain the security of the U.S. and to uphold its thorough values (Woodruff 103-108)." In the future, however, the U.S. will probably be alert of foreign entanglements. America is non capable of being the wo
Moreover, despite recent progress in Africa towards democratization, the region is still plagued by conflict. Violence continues to haunt southern Sudan, Angola, and sub-Sahara Africa. Furthermore, in many nations, apparent political reforms are " largely for show." According to African affairs specialist, Dale Bricker, most regimes are " onerous to figure out how little they can do" in order to get Western aid ("Focus" 30-34).
Whereas chinaware is hoping that economic reform will subvert the need for political reform, Mikhail Gorbachev made politics his main priority. However Gorbachev's actions are in the end judged, it seems doubtful that the Soviet system left him with many options.
The " natural contradictions" of Marxism-Leninism induced the Soviet "experiment" to collapse from within. The former system was not only unable to keep up both economically and militarily with the West, but it was incapable of successful functioning as yet on its own terms (Pfaff 34-48).
Regardless of the dramatic changes that soak up already occurred, however, economic reform in Russia will be difficult. The conversion of military industries to civilian use is impeded by such factors as their dysfunctional transportation and banking systems. Furthermore, the former Soviet military-industrial complex employed roughly 9 million workers; indeed, it accounted for active half of Russia's industrial production. To allow these unprofitable enterprises to fail could cause widespread social unrest. Conversely though, the prospect of continued government subsidies threatens to swell Russia's budget deficit. Such large expenditures could result in hyperinflation. Currently, at least seven ministries are in dash of Russia's military conversion; in Moscow, only confusion reigns unconditional ("Focus 17-20).
The United States' hegemonic status is, therefore, expected to continue its decline. As global geopolitical trends shift to a more multipolar world, perspicuous order may eventually b
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